The invention of the restaurant

The invention of the restaurant in the 18^th and 19^th century

Paulo Seidl

Histoire et Culture de l’Alimentation

Université François Rabelais

Introduction

The objective of this short summary is, in light of a brief literature review, to analyze the grounds upon which the restaurant was invented in the late 18^th and early 19^th century in Paris. It also attempts to differentiate common lodges and other entrepreneurs that sold food, which had catered mostly to travelers since Ancient times, from the establishments as we know them today.

Development

The origins of the restaurant can be traced as far as the limits between pre-history and history. In places like Rome and China, lodges already offered travelers a bed, a stable for their horses, but above all, a hot restoring meal. Those businesses were often located by a major road, in central areas or near main intersections.

A few centuries later, taverns became common in more urban areas, but they served mostly drinks while offering entertainment. Cafés, a 17^th century invention, also became popular in large European cities, but did not serve any food, except for pastries and biscuits to accompany coffee. By that time, rôtisseurs and pâtissiers were also selling prepared foods, like pastries, roasts, or pâtés. Finally, there were the table d’hôtes (ordinaries in Britain), which were ‘all you can eat’ buffets with a fixed price, no printed menus, no separate tables or flexible time, regarded by many as a place with no finesse or charm.

But these businesses had little to do with restaurants as we know them today, which did not come to exist until the 1760’s in the city of Paris. At that time, it became common for convalescents to consume a very thick stock, consisting of vegetables but mostly meats, which were slowly simmered for many hours. It was believed that by breaking down proteins contained in meat, a sick person would get the necessary nourishment without the hassles of a long digestion.

It soon became fashionable for Parisians to frequent houses which prepared and served the restaurant, a restoring soup. Originally, a restaurant was not a place, but the name of a soup. By the end of the 18^th century, the so-called restaurant rooms, or houses which served restaurants, were already serving more solid food to its growing clientele.

It was not until shortly after the French Revolution, however, that restaurants took shape and proliferated. First, because with the end of absolutism, haut-cuisine became accessible to the bourgeoisie, since most of the aristocracy and nobility had been imprisoned or executed. Second, their chefs had lost their jobs and promptly became restaurateurs themselves, incrementing the growing number of restaurants existing in the city. Third, with the fall of Versailles, Paris doubled its population between 1800 and 1850, augmenting a public increasingly eager to visit a restaurant. Finally, with escalating demand, competition played an important role in the development of restaurants, boosting chefs’ creativity and resourcefulness. Between the late 18^th century and 1820, for instance, the number of restaurants increased from a mere one hundred to 3,000 houses.

It is worth mentioning that around that time, the work of prominent professionals also spurred the haut cuisine and consequently the restaurants that served it. In the sociological field, Brillat-Savarin proposes a breakthrough in food literature with The physiology of taste. In journalism, the figure of Grimod de la Reynière appears as the first gastronomic journalist. At last, Antonin Carême, the self-made pastry chef who was a street orphan in the cities of Paris during the French Revolution, sets the grounds of modern French cuisine.

By the beginning of the 19^th century, Paris was internationally known as the city of restaurants. The cradle of gastronomy became the target of artists, politicians, diplomats, and other professionals who fled to the city in order to visit its restaurants. Eating at a restaurant became a cultural program no less than visiting a museum or going to the opera. And it remained so until the mid 19^th century when restaurants started to spread outside Paris and France.

Conclusion

The early 18^th and late 19^th century witnessed the invention of restaurants as we know them today, no longer a place to restore one’s health or to be fed, but rather a locale for social gathering around food and drink. In short, the invention of restaurants reinforces the thought that eating is a sociological event, intrinsic in human relations and of utmost importance in promoting social binds by means of food.

References

Alexandre, P. and L’Aulnoit, B. 2012. Breve História da Gastronomia Francesa. Rio de Janeiro, Tinta Negra.

Ferguson, P. 2008. A cultural field in the making – Gastronomy in the 19th century France. In: David Englis, Debra Gimlin, and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food – Critical Concepts in Social Sciences. 114-154. New York, Routledge.

Gaudry, F. R. 2006. Mémoires du restaurant - Histoire illustrée d’une invention française. Genève, Aubanel.

Héron de Villefosse, R. 1956. Histoire et géographie gourmande de Paris. Paris, Édition de Paris.

Huetz de Lamps, A. and Pitte, J.R. 1990. Les restaurants dans le monde et à travers les âges. Grenoble, Éditions Glénat.

Pitte, J.R.1996. Naissance et expansion des restaurants. In: Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari (eds.), Histoire de l`alimentation, 767-778. Paris, Fayard.

Spang, R. 2000. The Invention of the Restaurant. Paris and Modern Gastronomic Culture. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press.

Spang, R. 2001. Aux origines du restaurant parisien. In: À table au XIXe siècle. Dec 2001-March 2002. 172-181. Paris, ADAGP.

Spang, R. 2008. All the world’s a restaurant. In: David Englis, Debra Gimlin and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food – Critical Concepts in Social Sciences. 258-269. New York, Routledge.

Spang, R. And Muller, S. 2014. L'individu au menu: l'invention du restaurant à Paris au XVIIIe siècle. Ethnologie française, 44, 11-17.

Garval, M. 2004. L'invention du restaurant, Critique, 2004/6 685-686, 520-529. http://www.cairn.info/revue-critique-2004-6-page-520.htm.

Credit of the opening illustration - https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255-s01/students/Ruby-R-Littman/restaurants_revolution.html 

Churrasco - a Brazilian gastronomic event

Report on a Brazilian churrasco

The art to receive in Brazilian style

Paulo Seidl

November, 2015

Master en Histoire et Culture de l'Alimentation

Université François Rabelais

Introduction

   The objective of this article is to offer a succinct ethnographic observation of a typical Brazilian gastronomic festive event known as churrasco, or the Brazilian-style barbecue party. It attempts to provide, in the most metaphorical sense, food for thought for a perhaps deeper sociological analysis of food consumption in Brazil (1). Because of my current studies in France, comparisons with French customs at the table have been made.

When a party is given in the country, a number of possibilities arise in terms of how the reception is going to be held. Some of the choices include a cocktail, a dinner, or a luncheon. But perhaps nothing entertains more and nothing is more casual and more universal within our own boundaries than the churrasco.  Strictly for didactic purposes, the description below will be divided in topics.

Food

   There is an overall tacit agreement that the churrasco is potluck. That put, guests and hosts usually agree on what each will provide, but inevitably involves the bringing of drinks for the cooler (beer and soft drinks) and food for the grill. Commonly, the host will provide the ‘main meat’ and the guests will be concerned with the side dishes, starters or dessert.

While in France there is a clear distinction between the order of courses, from hors d’oeuvres to starters to the main course and dessert, in a churrasco those courses happen in a more haphazard way. Hors d’oeuvres will usually include ready to eat finger food, such as peanuts, olives or chips. Following, hot starters will usually include food that is quickly made on the grill, such as sausages, garlic bread, grilled vegetables or grilled cheese (hence a clear difference from a French meal, where cheese is served at the end).

   A few dishes rich in carbohydrates will always be on the table, to which guests help themselves whenever they please. These comprise white rice, boiled manioc with butter and or herbs, and manioc meal or farofa (roasted manioc meal with or without small pieces of meat). It is not unusual for all those items to be present on the table. Other side dishes may include beans, raw or cooked salads, and sauces.

   The ‘main meat’ (3) is normally the main course, hardly a course in itself. The reason for this is, as opposed to the regularity of French courses, guests may help themselves to starters even after they have started eating the main meat, creating a ‘gastronomic promiscuity’ when compared to the rigidity with which French courses are served.  Depending on the number of guests, more than one main meat may be served. They are usually beef cuts, but pork or chicken may also be served. Here a clear social distinction may be observed: there is substantial more social esteem in serving beef than chicken or pork. A barbecue with no beef may be regarded as a second class type of gastronomic event. Equally, a barbecue with prime beef cuts will give the host a more elevated social distinction.  

   Desserts do not have a place of honor in barbecue parties. If a birthday celebration is taking place, a cake will be served, but usually ice cream and fruit are the most common choices for dessert. Coffee will inevitably be prepared, and in the south of the country a bowl of mate (chimarrão) will pass hand to hand.

Tasks

   The making of the fire and the grilling of the meats are usually the duties of the (male) host (2).  This includes  the mise en place of the meat, which is exclusively marinated in rock salt, the keeping of the fire, and the turning of the meats, whether they are placed on the grill or put through spears, which are hung horizontally over the fire. Guests may help in the process, but the host is responsible for the overall cooking.  In the event that the host does not master the skills of the fire, a guest may be invited to handle it, or the service may be outsourced to a paid professional in larger events.

The tasks of the hostess usually include the preparation of the side dishes and the setting of the table, which involves constant trips to the interior of the house, considering that the party will inevitably take place outdoors. The table is usually set in American style, with plates, glasses, and napkins piled up and tableware gathered in a small basket. Paper cups and plates are not usually accepted, except in very large events. With the exception of napkins, the use of disposable utensils may be frowned upon.  A table cloth must always be used.

    If there is no cooler in the meal area, more trips to the inside of the residence will be necessary, and every member of the party will take turns to fetch a cold beer. On a side note, it is important to keep in mind that Brazilians drink their beers very cold, pilsner and lager being the preferred types, so it must always be refrigerated. The fetcher of the beer must also verify that no beer in the freezer is getting to the point of freezing. The fetcher should also rearrange the beer so that it will always be served in the right temperature. This is extremely important in Brazilian culture: serving beer at the right temperature is an intrinsic part of the art of well receiving.

   Doing the cleaning at the end of the party, which may last several hours, will depend on the level of intimacy that the host and the guests share. Naturally, the closer they are, the more likely solidarity will occur.

During the meal – conversation topics and other comments

   It is well worth noticing that churrascos are a social gathering and will unavoidably include a large party and a number of guests. It is rather unusual for a family to make a churrasco only for themselves.

   As mentioned before, the meal may last several hours, from early afternoon to sometimes early evening. The conversation topics will vary, but will likely include politics, soccer, current affairs, and social issues. As participants go on drinking alcohol, discussions may tend to get heated.

Unlike the French, Brazilians will get up several times from the table for a variety of reasons, either to have a smoke or a splash in the pool if there is one. Hosts and guests take turn to fetch items from the indoors kitchen.

   The locale of the meal is usually a covered but open area where a fixed structure is set up with a grill and a chimney. It is ordinary for a family to have this type of structure built in the backyard of their residence, which has the name of churrasqueira. Apartment buildings may have a common area either on the ground floor or on the penthouse, which must be reserved in advance. Low income families who cannot afford or do not have space for a churrasqueira  will improvise one with most varied creativity, such as a truck wheel with a grill on a top, a temporary structure with loose bricks, or a cut barrel with iron legs (see pictures in Annex I).

Conclusion

   It may be said that the French and the Brazilian share the spirit of conviviality around a table with a variety of quality food. Equally, they enjoy receiving and doors are often open to host parties where a substantial amount of food and drink is consumed along a period that may last several hours.

However, the order in which courses are served are different in the two cultures. While in France rigidity in the sequence of courses is observed, in Brazil courses go back and forth from the grill to the table and side dishes are available throughout the meal. Brazilians do not seem to talk about food while eating, for they are more likely to discuss a variety of topics. The French will be seated from the beginning to the end of the meal, except for the person doing the serving, whereas Brazilians will be more likely to get up from the table a number of times.

(1)   For a sociological view on churrascos, see Maciel, M. (2008). Churrasco à Gaúcha. In   Montebello, N. and Collaço, J. (Eds). Gastronomia: cortes & recortes volume II (pp. 97-118). Editora Senac, Brasilia.

(2)    The term ‘main meat’ is my creation. Although the concept is well established, there is actually no word or phrase to describe it. 

(3)    For a description on the male role in roasting meats, see Perlès, C. (1996). Les strategies alimentaires dans les temps pré-historique. In Flandrin, J. and Montanari, M. Histoire de l’alimentation (pp 54-67). Paris: Fayard. 

Annex I – Pictures

Churrasqueira of an upper-middle class family

In http://decoracaodecasa.com.br/fotos-de-varandas-com-churrasqueiras/

Improvised churrasqueira of a low-income church

http://www.luteranaic.com/2013/09/lelut-e-criada-na-comunidade-luterana.html

A cozinha brasileira não existe

A cozinha brasileira não existe

Peça a um brasileiro nascido e criado no país que defina a cozinha brasileira, não com os meros exemplos de pratos consumidos em nossas casas ou restaurantes, mas em uma ordem mais técnica e formal, talvez acadêmica, para chegar à conclusão proposta no titulo deste artigo, de que a cozinha brasileira não existe.

E o arroz com feijão que comemos nos restaurantes a quilo, em botecos de esquina ou na casa da avó? Um ingrediente ou um prato não deveria ser a definição de uma cozinha. Ao considerar-se que a cozinha é um intrínseco conjunto de relações sociais, mais do que o simples ato de se nutrir de um alimento, nossas memórias gustativas e nosso imaginário sobrepõem-se aos ingredientes e as receitas que consumimos desde tenra infância.

Portanto, a definição do que é a cozinha brasileira seria dada da maneira mais diversa pelo brasileiro nordestino, nortista ou sulista, insistindo na idéia segundo a qual não existe uma cozinha que nos unifique. Não há na nossa gastronomia um paralelo ao esporte, como o futebol, que é marca registrada e paixão dos brasileiros.  Os regionalismos do Brasil são tão fortemente arraigados à cultura gastronômica, que, ao cruzar o país de norte a sul, tem-se a impressão, pelo menos na hora do almoço, de se estar em um país completamente diferente. Longe de ser um problema, tal diferença nos enriquece, nos fortalece.

Tomemos um exemplo de um viajante imaginário, o Sr. Santos, paulista, que desembarca em Belém, e que nas suas primeiras andanças pelo mercado Ver-o-Peso decide experimentar uma sopa, servida na rua. Estranheza 1: em São Paulo não se toma sopa na rua. Estranheza 2: cadê a colher? Só tem um palito de dente espetado nos camarões secos boiando em um liquido amarelo. Estranheza 3: ela é servida em uma cuia de cabaça, com desenhos tribais. Estranheza 4: o que é essa substância viscosa e transparente com o que a ambulante finaliza o preparo?

O Sr. Santos ainda nem experimentou a sopa e já se deparou com 4 diferenças culturais brutais. O que ele vai achar do sabor acido do tucupi, da consistência viscosa da goma ou do sabor elétrico do jambu vai depender unicamente de suas experiências sensoriais individuais, seus gostos e desgostos.

E provável que o Sr. Santos não sofra de neofobia, a aversão a novidades, caso contrário teria passado batido pela vendedora. E provável que ele não saiba o que fazer com as cabeças dos camarões, ou que estranhe a sensação de lamber uma pilha de 9 volts ao morder as florzinhas amarelas que flutuam junto aos camarões. Mas o fato é que a experiência cultural que ele vivenciou ao experimentar uma cuia de tacacá no calor de 35 graus reflete que não existe uma gastronomia brasileira única, senão um conjunto de cozinhas regionais espalhadas pelos quatro cantos do Brasil.

Em 2010, a França conseguiu que sua cozinha fosse inscrita na UNESCO como patrimônio cultural imaterial da humanidade, assim como a roda de capoeira ou o frevo do carnaval de Recife. Minto, não a cozinha francesa, que, assim como a brasileira, não existe, mas senão a ‘refeição gastronômica dos franceses’. Não se tratam de receitas como o cassoulet ou o coq au vin, mas sim o bem-estar em volta da mesa, o bem-comer, o bem-beber. Cozinhar e comer conjuntamente, entre amigos ou família, incentivar o consumo de alimentos do terroir, respeitar as tradições culinárias e, sobretudo, experimentar a riqueza e a variedade da cozinha são exemplos do que definem a refeição dos franceses.

Esses conceitos foram baseados no fato que os franceses de Paris, Lyon ou Toulouse não compartilham uma cozinha única, mas possuem uma cultura alimentar rica e definida.  95,2 por cento dos franceses admitem que a gastronomia faz parte de sua identidade cultural. Essa identidade foi desenvolvida ao longo dos séculos, com o trabalho dos produtores, que protegem seus produtos regionais, dos cozinheiros, que tem status de artistas no país, e finalmente do povo, que se orgulha de sua comida.

O Brasil, que engatinha em todos os aspectos citados acima, pode aprender uma valiosa lição com os franceses. Nossa gastronomia é riquíssima, nossa cozinha e saudável e saborosa, e arrisco a afirmar que nenhum outro país possui a variedade de insumos da que dispomos em nossa terra, muitos dos quais endêmicos. No entanto, sem uma política de incentivo ao pequeno produtor, sem diretrizes que salvaguardem nossas riquezas alimentares, nossa gastronomia, que é uma preciosa herança cultural, será relegada ao esquecimento dos livros de receita.

Nesse sentido, a visionária iniciativa do projeto ‘Eu como cultura’, que pretende aprovar um projeto de lei para que a gastronomia brasileira seja oficialmente reconhecida como manifestação cultural, deu um passo de gigante. É importante que nós brasileiros, portanto, valorizemos nossa comida, sob todas as suas expressões locais e regionais, como um bem cultural intangível e como parte inerente de nossa cultura e nosso orgulho.

Paulo Seidl é brasileiro, cozinheiro e pesquisador

em história e cultura da alimentação

na Universidade de Tours, França

Aula de confeitaria francesa com chef Breno Oliveira. Carolinas, madeleines, parfait, brownie. 

Uniceub, maio de 2013
fotos Cristiane Suares

Aulas de cozinha/Cuisine courses/Cours de cuisine

Matéria minha na Folha.com sobre festivais de gastronomia

http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/opiniao/2015/07/1652422-festivais-de-gastronomia-valorizam-cozinhas-regionais.shtml

Festivais de gastronomia valorizam cozinhas regionais

De uma das máximas que cunhou o político francês amante da boa mesa Brillat-Savarin, ‘Diga-me o que comes e eu te direi quem és’, corrompe-se o final transformando-o em ‘diga-me o que comes e eu te direi de onde vens. É com esse espírito que chefs de cozinha brasileiros, soldadinhos de chumbo de Alex Atala espalhados pelo país, e neobrasilianistas como Suaudeau e Troisgros, vem defendendo com unhas e dentes os nossos produtos tão tupiniquins.

Fala-se aqui não só de gueroba, aviú, pinhão ou farinhas de mandioca artesanais, mas também de preparos como mogicas, carurus, vatapás e cuxás.  Para aqueles que desconhecem um ou outro desses exemplos, fica o recado: a gastronomia regional brasileira junto com seus riquíssimos insumos está decolando.

E um combustível inegável para essa decolagem tem sido os festivais de gastronomia, institucionalizados do Oiapoque ao Chuí. Em um crescendo de popularidade, esses cultos à comida chegaram para ficar e marcam presença nas cidades, ruas e restaurantes do Brasil. Não, não precisa servir comida brasileira para botar um feijão de corda no prato. Para isso inventaram o descolado termo fusion, que libera a audácia criativa dos chefs para que criem um risoto de pupunha, um praliné de baru ou um bavarois de cupuaçu. Mais ingredientes novos?  Está na hora de começar a se interessar mais pelo assunto.

O brasileiro comum não explora a gastronomia regional brasileira. Aliás, nem sequer conhece as gastronomias regionais de outros países. Paulistanos desconhecem que as cantinas de sua cidade são, em sua maioria, napolitanas e não italianas. Cariocas pedem chop suey no delivery, mas nunca ouviram falar do dim sum, famoso pastelzinho da região de Guangdong, no sul da China. Até aí, isso pode parecer um problema da globalização, mas o alarme toca se você tirar zero no teste intitulado: ‘Mencione 5 pratos típicos de sua região’.

Para propulsionar os regionalismos, vale tudo, da pesquisa histórica do que comiam nossos antepassados às visitas a produtores enfurnados na caatinga ou numa praia distante. Achou um livro de receitas da vovó? Está valendo. O importante é não deixar morrer a magnífica herança cultural que é a gastronomia regional. Se o mineiro torce alucinadamente pelo Cruzeiro ou o Atlético, se o gaúcho se gaba dos feitos futebolísticos colorados ou gremistas, cadê o endeusamento ao pão de queijo e ao arroz de carreteiro?

Recentemente o Festival Ver o Peso da Cozinha Paraense reuniu em Belém cozinheiros famosos do Brasil e do mundo para mais uma vez dar corda no trabalho iniciado pelo falecido chef Paulo Martins – orgulhar-se do que é nosso. Com o tema ‘Marajó’, os restaurantes nortistas prepararam filés de filhote, carne de Búfulo e outras delícias regionais da Ilha, regadas a tucupi e açaí.  Até poucos anos atrás, o paraense que comia o fruto dessa palmeira, lavava a boca para que não ficasse roxa e revelasse que estava comendo. Hoje, mostra os dentes com orgulho do que é seu.

Entretanto, no outro lado do país, enquanto os paraenses salvaguardavam sua cultura, brasilienses esperavam mais de duas horas na fila de uma recém-inaugurada franquia americana de rosquinhas sem graça para lambuzarem os dedos nos recheios doces e artificiais de morango e framboesa no melhor estilo made in USA.  Mais uma vez cabe a pergunta: Cadê o orgulho dos pratos do cerrado brasileiro?

Mas infelizmente nem todos os festivais promovem o regionalismo. Muitos deles são motivados pelo lucro e novidades efêmeras que no ano seguinte caem no esquecimento, ignorando a cultura local.  Os festivais gastronômicos têm uma responsabilidade cultural para com a sua região. O resgate da nossa gastronomia regional deve ser feito com orgulho de uma nação que tem do que se orgulhar, mas ainda não sabe disso.

Não há nada contra comer hambúrguer ou pizza. Seria uma hipocrisia inócua tentar banir as casas de fast food como alguns políticos tentaram banir na marra os estrangeirismos do dicionário da língua portuguesa. O problema aparece quando deixamos de comer nossas iguarias para substituí-las por porcarias enlatadas.  Comer é um ato social, muito mais do que fisiológico. Somos o que comemos e o que comemos nos distingue do que são nossos vizinhos.

Brasília, 17 de junho de 2015

Paulo Seidl é consultor de gastronomia e professor de cozinhas internacionais