Vídeo de receita de curry thai

Calandrier des cours de cuisine 2016

COURS DE CUISINE 10

Soirée brésilienne - la cuisine de Bahia avec le chef invité Paulo Seidl

Caruru et farofa
Moqueca, pirão et riz
Cocada
Jeudi 17 Mars 2016 à 18h00Prix : 59 Euros 

Réserver le cours

Inscriptions

Cozinha africana da Bahia e comida de santo

por Paulo Seidl

   Fazer oferenda de comidas ou animais sacrificados a deuses e santos não foi inovação dos seguidores do candomblé.  Já o faziam outros povos, como os incas, que ofertavam lhamas ao deus sol, os hindus, os egípcios e os europeus pagãos, apenas para mencionar o que seria início de uma longa lista.  Melhor exemplo, entretanto, é própria premissa do cristianismo, segundo a qual o sacrifício de Cristo na cruz teria sido um mal necessário para expiar os pecados do homem, não deixando de ser herança dos hebreus, que sacrificavam cordeiros imaculados a Jeová, de acordo com o apóstolo João, que anunciou o Cristo como o cordeiro de Deus que tira o pecado do mundo.

Dessa forma, desde o século XVI, os escravos trazidos da África, em seu culto jejê-nagô, já faziam oferendas de pratos aos seus deuses, o que veio a ser futuramente a base das oferendas nos terreiros de candomblé, a partir do século XIX. 

   Mas comida votiva é, na verdade, apenas um dos expoentes da culinária baiana. Inserida em um maior contexto, o da ‘cozinha africana da Bahia’, ela divide espaço com a cozinha sertaneja e a cozinha praiana, tendo como berço os terreiros da cidade de São Salvador da Bahia. Terreiros, os quais, atualmente, são considerados responsáveis por salvaguardar uma culinária única, de caráter extremamente cultural, e que, infelizmente, está desaparecendo da farta e rica mesa dos baianos.

   A cozinha africana da Bahia, ao contrário do que se pode imaginar, não é uma cozinha exclusivamente africana, mas sim o fruto da miscigenação de três culturas, a saber, a portuguesa, a indígena e a própria africana.  É chamada de cozinha africana, entretanto, por ser de todas as cozinhas regionais, a que mais sofreu influência do continente negro, principalmente pelo uso de seus ingredientes vindos do outro lado do Atlântico, como o dendê, a pimenta malagueta e o quiabo, além do coco, inhame e temperos como o coentro.

   Curiosamente, outros estados do Brasil, como São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais, que fizeram uso igual de escravos africanos (idem para outros países americanos, como Estados Unidos e Cuba), não desenvolveram uma gastronomia africana, como aconteceu na Bahia. Isso pode ser parcialmente explicado pela comercialização na Bahia do azeite de dendê, e posteriormente seu plantio e cultivo. 

   A literatura brasileira nos traz uma boa ilustração da cozinha africana da Bahia e conseqüentemente das comidas de santo. Jorge Amado, à guisa de exemplo, começa a descrevê-la timidamente em seus primeiros romances, como Jubiabá, para mais tarde tecer um verdadeiro compêndio dessa culinária, com receitas inclusive, em livros como Dona Flor e seus dois maridos, Tocaia Grande ou O sumiço da santa, e finalmente criar o protagonista Pedro Archanjo, de Tenda dos Milagres, um pai de santo que escreve um livro de culinária.

   Igualmente, Câmara Cascudo e Gabriel Soares de Souza, descreveram pratos baianos, como o caruru e o vatapá, em seus clássicos da literatura gastronômica. Livros específicos sobre a cozinha baiana, entretanto, só chegam aos leitores no século XX, com os 4 pilares dessa literatura – Manuel Quirino, Sodré Viana, Darwin Brandão e Hildegardes Vianna. Foram eles que acompanharam a transição da cozinha baiana das mãos das cunhãs, sob a supervisão das senhoras portuguesas, para as das mucamas, que africanizaram a comida baiana, com os ingredientes vindos da senzala, transformando esparregados em carurus, ensopados em moquecas e açordas em vatapás. 

   Abaixo, apresentam-se o descritivo e algumas informações sobre pratos da cozinha baiana africana, trazidos pelo Mestre Guilherme Radel. Muitos deles desapareceram da mesa do baiano. Outros, nem sequer são ofertados nos terreiros, tendendo à extinção.

• Abará, ofertado a Obá e Oxum, é um bolinho de feijão cozido na folha da bananeira. Juntamente com o acarajé, é um dos raros pratos africanos de fato, tendo suas contrapartidas na Nigéria e em Angola, com os nomes de moin moin e abalá, respectivamente.

• Acarajé, oferecido a Iansã, tem a mesma massa do abará, só que é frito em dendê. Conhecido na Nigéria e no Benin com o nome de akára, é tombado pelo Iphan. 
• Arroz da Hauçá não é oferecido a santos, talvez por conter carne de charque.  Seu nome deriva dos Hauçás, povo sudanês.
• Bobó, originalmente ofertado aos orixás com inhame e camarão seco, na mesa do baiano vem na versão com camarão fresco e fruta-pão ou mandioca em vez do inhame.
• Caruru, também conhecido como amalá, é oferecido a Ibeji, que quer dizer gêmeos. No sincretismo brasileiro, é associado à festa de São Cosme e São Damião, em 27 de setembro, data de grandes festividades na Bahia.
• Humulucu ou Omolocum, recebe também a alcunha de feijão de azeite e é oferecido a Ewá. Na versão com ovos, é o preferido de Oxum.
• Aberém, para Oxumaré, é uma pasta de milho cozida na folha de bananeira, semelhante a uma pamonha.
• Acaçá, bolinho de milho, oferecido a Oxalá.
• Ado, farinha de milho com mel e dendê, é oferecido a Oxum.
• Afurá, bebida feita a partir de massa de arroz fermentada, não é mais oferecida em terreiros.
• Badofe, ensopado de fígado, coração e bofe de boi.
• Bolas de inhame, ausentes na mesa baiana, são bolas preparadas a partir de uma massa de inhame.
• Efó, semelhante ao caruru, é um preparo com folhas, como a taioba, castanha de caju, camarão seco, e o invariável dendê.
• Ipetê é um preparo à base de inhame, camarão seco, cebola e pimenta, oferecido a Oxum.
• Ochin-chim de galinha – galinha guisada com camarões, temperos e sementes de abóbora, é oferecido a vários orixás.
• Olubó, espécie de pirão de mandioca, não é mais oferecido a orixás e nem servido nas mesas baianas.
• Quibebe, espécie de sopa de abóbora, oferecida a Oxossi, é um dos raros pratos da cozinha africana da Bahia que não leva dendê nem pimenta.
• Vatapá, um dos pratos mais emblemáticos da Cozinha Baiana, é presente nas mesas baianas pobres e ricas, bem como nos terreiros.  Podendo ser de galinha ou de peixe, é preparado segundo inúmeras receitas, tendo o pão, o fubá, o camarão e a castanha de caju e o dendê como um de seus ingredientes principais.

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Brandão, Darwin. A cozinha baiana. Livraria Universitária, Salvador, 1948

Cascudo, Luiz da Câmara. História da alimentação no Brasil. Companhia Editora nacional, 1967.

Costa, Paloma Jorge Amado. O livro de cozinha de Pedro Archanjo. Ed Maltese, São Paulo, 1994.

Querino, Manuel. Costumes africanos no Brasil. Ed. Civilização Brasileira, Rio de Janeiro, 1938.

Radel, Guilherme. A cozinha africana da Bahia. Salvador, 2006.

Soares de Souza, Gabriel. Notícia do Brasil. Livraria Martins Editora, São Paulo, s.d.

Vianna, Hildegardes. A cozinha baiana. Salvador, 1955.

Vianna, Sodré. Caderno de Xangô. Salvador, 1939.

Crédito da ilustração https://catracalivre.com.br/salvador/dica-digital/indicacao/guia-afetivo-da-culinaria-de-rua-baiana-ganha-versao-online/ .

Cocanha, o país da fartura eterna/ Cockaigne, the country of endless abundance

Oskar Herrfurth (1862-1934)

"Das Märchen vom Schlaraffenland",

series of six postcards, Uvachrom. 354, no. 5086, pre-1934

I.              Introduction

This article intends to examine literature on the land of Cockaigne, an imaginary country where food abounds, work is prohibited, sexuality is free, and their inhabitants are everlastingly young. The literature analysis is meant to provide base for a specific iconography examination, which is offered at the last part of the article. 

II.            The Mythical land of Cockaigne

The idyllic idea of a land where work is needless and food is lavish was not created with Cockaigne. Several Greek-Roman authors fancy similar utopian lands, such as Plato and Euripides in the 5^th century b.C. The Bible tells us the story of the Garden of Eden where work and pain did not exist and fruit trees were plentiful. The Coram also promises a post-life heaven not only teemed with food, but also with free sexuality, guaranteeing 500 spouses and 4,000 virgins for each male. The medieval story of The Holy Grail inspires lifelong youth, and perhaps the Brothers Grimm were influenced by Cockaigne when they described the witch’s gingerbread house in the famous fairy tale Hans and Gretel.

Cockaigne has been part of people’s imaginary since the 12^th century, from oral tradition, and since the 13^th century, in literature, with the publishing of the French poem Le Fabliau de Cocagne. Since then, several other publications appeared in different Western European countries. Different versions offered distinct views on the magical land, and were consequently adapted to the cultural environment of the country where the story was duplicated.

In all versions, however, Cockaigne has always been depicted as a utopian land with four main characteristics: the abundance of food at no effort, the lack of necessity to work, eternal life and youth, and free sexuality.

The High Middle Ages were marked by famine, pest, and struggle, especially among the least privileged classes. It is no wonder that Cockaigne gained so much space in the imaginary of the population as well as in literature and iconography. At times of penury and severe moral restriction, commoners needed an escape of fancy to forget their own struggles for survival and their miserable life.

Interestingly, each version of Cockaigne was adapted according to the local culinary culture. For instance, in France flans would drop like rain and sausages were picked up from trees. Italian poems portrayed houses made of lasagna and mountains of Parmesan cheese. The cultural adaptation of each version provides paramount input to understand the local cuisines and food habits of each nation.

The writings and iconography in Cockaigne, which have always been intended to the lower classes, describe exactly the opposite of what the population ate. One clear example is meat, one of the most present food items in the reports on Cockaigne. Roasted flying poultry and walking braised animals are central in the description of Cockaigne. It is well know that meat was a privilege of the high class, particularly roasted meat. Losing precious animal fat to the flames of the oven was a luxury the poor could definitely not afford. They had to do with small pieces of cubed meat, usually pork, mixed in their cabbage stews and soups.  

In addition to meat, Franco (2013) describes three other food items that were omnipresent in the reports of the mythical land: fish, wine, and sweets. As meat was restricted to the upper class, fish was not a common peasant food either. During Lent, when the Church imposed restriction on meat consumption, fish and seafood were restricted to the rich. But in Cockaigne, salmon, sturgeon, herring, and other luxury fish were abundant.

Although the poor did have access to wine, the drink was also quite present. Why is that, if the menu on Cockaigne seems to be the reverse of that in real life? One possible explanation is that wine has always been associated with happiness, well being, and torpor. A land with free permissiveness could not do without the red drink. One of the most representative portraits of Cockaigne, a 1567 oil painting by the Flemish painter Pieter Bruegel, shows three lying satiated men. 

The men are half awake and one of them has his pants unbuttoned probably from overeating. But an empty wine jug on a tree shelf provides evidence that in addition to more than plenty food, the three men also drank a considerable amount of wine.

Pieter Bruegel, the Eldder. The Land of Cockaigne, 1567

Oil on panel. Alte Pinakothek, Munich, Germany.

The last food item that overwhelms in the depictions of Cockaigne is sweets. Sugar, which is only known to French Cuisine as of the 14^th century, was considerably expensive at that time, so dessert items, such as pastries, pies, and cakes were never on the table of the peasants. This was, instead, a luxury of which they could only dream, and thus quite present in the representations of Cockaigne.

It is not difficult to imagine that what was part of the real diet of the lower classes would not be part of their fancy. Likewise, Cockaigne had no space for bread, by far the most consumed food item of the poor, responsible for a vast majority of the 2,000 daily calories consumed per day (Franco, 2013). For the same reason, vegetables, fruit, soup, butter, and milk were not on the menu of Cockaigners either.

Other food items that were not available on the menu of Cockaigners were spice and olive oil.                                         

 Oskar Herrfurth (1862-1934),, 

series of six postcards, Uvachrom. 354, no. 5087, pre-1934

Spice, like cinnamon, cloves, nutmeg and pepper, was known to be expensive and its use represented a social distinction until shortly after the Renaissance. So was olive oil, regarded by the well-off as a substitute for butter, which was frowned upon. But in Cockaigne, those food items were not necessary, simply due to the fact that no one had to cook! The pigs wandering on the street and the poultry flying in from the sky to the dishes of the people were ready to eat. No oil was needed to prepare a dish that was certainly already seasoned. 

And so Cockaigne remained for many centuries as a small haven of luxury for the struggling Medieval lower class, leaving hints of what those people fancied eating and what they actually put on their table.

III.           Iconography analysis

Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472-1553)

“The fountain of youth,” 1546 (Berlin – Gamaeldegalerie)

“The fountain of youth” by Lucas Cranach depicts one of the characteristics of Cockaigne, eternal life and youth. The portrait has a clear clockwise sequence: Before the bathe, during the bathe, and after the bathe. Then the people move onwards to a tent, followed by a lush banquet, and then a promenade in the woods.

We can see on the left of the fountain a number of elderly and sick people. Some of them are so old or sick that they must be helped to get into the water. An old man is brought in a wheelbarrow, while others are in a chariot and one is on a horse. Another old man sits on the steps of the fountain and is aided by an already refreshed young woman. All of them still have their clothes on, except by an old man who has help to take his clothes off – he is about to enter the fountain.

The portrait also depicts several nude women in the fountain, who have already been exposed to the magical effects of the water. In the upper part of the pool stands a fountain sprinkling the mystic water. This may indicate that the water is ever-flowing, and its waters are eternal. The rejuvenated women are happily swimming, enjoying their new status. Two women are embracing, depicting that Cockaigne is so sexually free that homosexuality is not only tolerated but welcome. Some women are washing their hair, hoping, perhaps, to rid of their old white hair.

To the right of the pool we can observe an usher leading the now young women out of the water and into a tent. Once dressed, the rejuvenated men and women have a banquet awaiting them. Someone is bringing a large platter of food onto the table, an indicator that the food is abundant and infinite.

After the banquet, we can see two couple dancing. One of them is going towards the bushes, leaving to fancy what their business is out there. Some people are under a tree, which carries perhaps sweets and pastries instead of fruit.

Finally, Lucas Cranach’s painting is interesting because it shows all the characteristics Cockaigne usually displays in literature, namely, abundant food, eternal youth, and free sexuality.

     IV. Conclusion

             An imaginary, utopian land, Cockaigne had everything mankind had always fancied:      food, sex, and eternal young life at no effort. Part of the imaginary of Western Europeans     for centuries, it was represented in the Middle Ages in oral tradition and literature. In the       Modern Age, a substantial number of portrays depicted the mythical country. While some     of these works of art focused on one aspect, like eternal youth, others depicted food, wine     or even free sexuality the land offered their inhabitants.

         But Cockaigne represents more than that. It brings forth the need to escape the tough    reality lived by a struggling population, who had little to eat under a very strict moral              imposed by the constant surveillance of the Church. And fortunately it provides us with          substantial input on the type of food that population ate – or did not eat.

    V. References

Delumeau, J. (org.) 1976. La mort du pays de Cocagne. Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne.

Ferrières, M. 2002. Histoires des peurs alimentaires. Paris, Seuil.

Franco, H. Jr. 2013. Cocagne – histoire d’un pays imaginaire. Paris, Arkhê.

Quellier, F. 2010. Gourmandise – histoire d’un péché capital. Paris, Armand Colis.

_The_Land_of_Cockaigne_-_WGA3507.jpg last visited on January 12, 2016.

http://www.ealimentarium.ch/en/magazine/pleasure/amazing-feasts/land-cockaigne last visited on January 17, 2016

The invention of the restaurant

The invention of the restaurant in the 18^th and 19^th century

Paulo Seidl

Histoire et Culture de l’Alimentation

Université François Rabelais

Introduction

The objective of this short summary is, in light of a brief literature review, to analyze the grounds upon which the restaurant was invented in the late 18^th and early 19^th century in Paris. It also attempts to differentiate common lodges and other entrepreneurs that sold food, which had catered mostly to travelers since Ancient times, from the establishments as we know them today.

Development

The origins of the restaurant can be traced as far as the limits between pre-history and history. In places like Rome and China, lodges already offered travelers a bed, a stable for their horses, but above all, a hot restoring meal. Those businesses were often located by a major road, in central areas or near main intersections.

A few centuries later, taverns became common in more urban areas, but they served mostly drinks while offering entertainment. Cafés, a 17^th century invention, also became popular in large European cities, but did not serve any food, except for pastries and biscuits to accompany coffee. By that time, rôtisseurs and pâtissiers were also selling prepared foods, like pastries, roasts, or pâtés. Finally, there were the table d’hôtes (ordinaries in Britain), which were ‘all you can eat’ buffets with a fixed price, no printed menus, no separate tables or flexible time, regarded by many as a place with no finesse or charm.

But these businesses had little to do with restaurants as we know them today, which did not come to exist until the 1760’s in the city of Paris. At that time, it became common for convalescents to consume a very thick stock, consisting of vegetables but mostly meats, which were slowly simmered for many hours. It was believed that by breaking down proteins contained in meat, a sick person would get the necessary nourishment without the hassles of a long digestion.

It soon became fashionable for Parisians to frequent houses which prepared and served the restaurant, a restoring soup. Originally, a restaurant was not a place, but the name of a soup. By the end of the 18^th century, the so-called restaurant rooms, or houses which served restaurants, were already serving more solid food to its growing clientele.

It was not until shortly after the French Revolution, however, that restaurants took shape and proliferated. First, because with the end of absolutism, haut-cuisine became accessible to the bourgeoisie, since most of the aristocracy and nobility had been imprisoned or executed. Second, their chefs had lost their jobs and promptly became restaurateurs themselves, incrementing the growing number of restaurants existing in the city. Third, with the fall of Versailles, Paris doubled its population between 1800 and 1850, augmenting a public increasingly eager to visit a restaurant. Finally, with escalating demand, competition played an important role in the development of restaurants, boosting chefs’ creativity and resourcefulness. Between the late 18^th century and 1820, for instance, the number of restaurants increased from a mere one hundred to 3,000 houses.

It is worth mentioning that around that time, the work of prominent professionals also spurred the haut cuisine and consequently the restaurants that served it. In the sociological field, Brillat-Savarin proposes a breakthrough in food literature with The physiology of taste. In journalism, the figure of Grimod de la Reynière appears as the first gastronomic journalist. At last, Antonin Carême, the self-made pastry chef who was a street orphan in the cities of Paris during the French Revolution, sets the grounds of modern French cuisine.

By the beginning of the 19^th century, Paris was internationally known as the city of restaurants. The cradle of gastronomy became the target of artists, politicians, diplomats, and other professionals who fled to the city in order to visit its restaurants. Eating at a restaurant became a cultural program no less than visiting a museum or going to the opera. And it remained so until the mid 19^th century when restaurants started to spread outside Paris and France.

Conclusion

The early 18^th and late 19^th century witnessed the invention of restaurants as we know them today, no longer a place to restore one’s health or to be fed, but rather a locale for social gathering around food and drink. In short, the invention of restaurants reinforces the thought that eating is a sociological event, intrinsic in human relations and of utmost importance in promoting social binds by means of food.

References

Alexandre, P. and L’Aulnoit, B. 2012. Breve História da Gastronomia Francesa. Rio de Janeiro, Tinta Negra.

Ferguson, P. 2008. A cultural field in the making – Gastronomy in the 19th century France. In: David Englis, Debra Gimlin, and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food – Critical Concepts in Social Sciences. 114-154. New York, Routledge.

Gaudry, F. R. 2006. Mémoires du restaurant - Histoire illustrée d’une invention française. Genève, Aubanel.

Héron de Villefosse, R. 1956. Histoire et géographie gourmande de Paris. Paris, Édition de Paris.

Huetz de Lamps, A. and Pitte, J.R. 1990. Les restaurants dans le monde et à travers les âges. Grenoble, Éditions Glénat.

Pitte, J.R.1996. Naissance et expansion des restaurants. In: Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari (eds.), Histoire de l`alimentation, 767-778. Paris, Fayard.

Spang, R. 2000. The Invention of the Restaurant. Paris and Modern Gastronomic Culture. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press.

Spang, R. 2001. Aux origines du restaurant parisien. In: À table au XIXe siècle. Dec 2001-March 2002. 172-181. Paris, ADAGP.

Spang, R. 2008. All the world’s a restaurant. In: David Englis, Debra Gimlin and Chris Thorpe (eds). Food – Critical Concepts in Social Sciences. 258-269. New York, Routledge.

Spang, R. And Muller, S. 2014. L'individu au menu: l'invention du restaurant à Paris au XVIIIe siècle. Ethnologie française, 44, 11-17.

Garval, M. 2004. L'invention du restaurant, Critique, 2004/6 685-686, 520-529. http://www.cairn.info/revue-critique-2004-6-page-520.htm.

Credit of the opening illustration - https://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255-s01/students/Ruby-R-Littman/restaurants_revolution.html 

Churrasco - a Brazilian gastronomic event

Report on a Brazilian churrasco

The art to receive in Brazilian style

Paulo Seidl

November, 2015

Master en Histoire et Culture de l'Alimentation

Université François Rabelais

Introduction

   The objective of this article is to offer a succinct ethnographic observation of a typical Brazilian gastronomic festive event known as churrasco, or the Brazilian-style barbecue party. It attempts to provide, in the most metaphorical sense, food for thought for a perhaps deeper sociological analysis of food consumption in Brazil (1). Because of my current studies in France, comparisons with French customs at the table have been made.

When a party is given in the country, a number of possibilities arise in terms of how the reception is going to be held. Some of the choices include a cocktail, a dinner, or a luncheon. But perhaps nothing entertains more and nothing is more casual and more universal within our own boundaries than the churrasco.  Strictly for didactic purposes, the description below will be divided in topics.

Food

   There is an overall tacit agreement that the churrasco is potluck. That put, guests and hosts usually agree on what each will provide, but inevitably involves the bringing of drinks for the cooler (beer and soft drinks) and food for the grill. Commonly, the host will provide the ‘main meat’ and the guests will be concerned with the side dishes, starters or dessert.

While in France there is a clear distinction between the order of courses, from hors d’oeuvres to starters to the main course and dessert, in a churrasco those courses happen in a more haphazard way. Hors d’oeuvres will usually include ready to eat finger food, such as peanuts, olives or chips. Following, hot starters will usually include food that is quickly made on the grill, such as sausages, garlic bread, grilled vegetables or grilled cheese (hence a clear difference from a French meal, where cheese is served at the end).

   A few dishes rich in carbohydrates will always be on the table, to which guests help themselves whenever they please. These comprise white rice, boiled manioc with butter and or herbs, and manioc meal or farofa (roasted manioc meal with or without small pieces of meat). It is not unusual for all those items to be present on the table. Other side dishes may include beans, raw or cooked salads, and sauces.

   The ‘main meat’ (3) is normally the main course, hardly a course in itself. The reason for this is, as opposed to the regularity of French courses, guests may help themselves to starters even after they have started eating the main meat, creating a ‘gastronomic promiscuity’ when compared to the rigidity with which French courses are served.  Depending on the number of guests, more than one main meat may be served. They are usually beef cuts, but pork or chicken may also be served. Here a clear social distinction may be observed: there is substantial more social esteem in serving beef than chicken or pork. A barbecue with no beef may be regarded as a second class type of gastronomic event. Equally, a barbecue with prime beef cuts will give the host a more elevated social distinction.  

   Desserts do not have a place of honor in barbecue parties. If a birthday celebration is taking place, a cake will be served, but usually ice cream and fruit are the most common choices for dessert. Coffee will inevitably be prepared, and in the south of the country a bowl of mate (chimarrão) will pass hand to hand.

Tasks

   The making of the fire and the grilling of the meats are usually the duties of the (male) host (2).  This includes  the mise en place of the meat, which is exclusively marinated in rock salt, the keeping of the fire, and the turning of the meats, whether they are placed on the grill or put through spears, which are hung horizontally over the fire. Guests may help in the process, but the host is responsible for the overall cooking.  In the event that the host does not master the skills of the fire, a guest may be invited to handle it, or the service may be outsourced to a paid professional in larger events.

The tasks of the hostess usually include the preparation of the side dishes and the setting of the table, which involves constant trips to the interior of the house, considering that the party will inevitably take place outdoors. The table is usually set in American style, with plates, glasses, and napkins piled up and tableware gathered in a small basket. Paper cups and plates are not usually accepted, except in very large events. With the exception of napkins, the use of disposable utensils may be frowned upon.  A table cloth must always be used.

    If there is no cooler in the meal area, more trips to the inside of the residence will be necessary, and every member of the party will take turns to fetch a cold beer. On a side note, it is important to keep in mind that Brazilians drink their beers very cold, pilsner and lager being the preferred types, so it must always be refrigerated. The fetcher of the beer must also verify that no beer in the freezer is getting to the point of freezing. The fetcher should also rearrange the beer so that it will always be served in the right temperature. This is extremely important in Brazilian culture: serving beer at the right temperature is an intrinsic part of the art of well receiving.

   Doing the cleaning at the end of the party, which may last several hours, will depend on the level of intimacy that the host and the guests share. Naturally, the closer they are, the more likely solidarity will occur.

During the meal – conversation topics and other comments

   It is well worth noticing that churrascos are a social gathering and will unavoidably include a large party and a number of guests. It is rather unusual for a family to make a churrasco only for themselves.

   As mentioned before, the meal may last several hours, from early afternoon to sometimes early evening. The conversation topics will vary, but will likely include politics, soccer, current affairs, and social issues. As participants go on drinking alcohol, discussions may tend to get heated.

Unlike the French, Brazilians will get up several times from the table for a variety of reasons, either to have a smoke or a splash in the pool if there is one. Hosts and guests take turn to fetch items from the indoors kitchen.

   The locale of the meal is usually a covered but open area where a fixed structure is set up with a grill and a chimney. It is ordinary for a family to have this type of structure built in the backyard of their residence, which has the name of churrasqueira. Apartment buildings may have a common area either on the ground floor or on the penthouse, which must be reserved in advance. Low income families who cannot afford or do not have space for a churrasqueira  will improvise one with most varied creativity, such as a truck wheel with a grill on a top, a temporary structure with loose bricks, or a cut barrel with iron legs (see pictures in Annex I).

Conclusion

   It may be said that the French and the Brazilian share the spirit of conviviality around a table with a variety of quality food. Equally, they enjoy receiving and doors are often open to host parties where a substantial amount of food and drink is consumed along a period that may last several hours.

However, the order in which courses are served are different in the two cultures. While in France rigidity in the sequence of courses is observed, in Brazil courses go back and forth from the grill to the table and side dishes are available throughout the meal. Brazilians do not seem to talk about food while eating, for they are more likely to discuss a variety of topics. The French will be seated from the beginning to the end of the meal, except for the person doing the serving, whereas Brazilians will be more likely to get up from the table a number of times.

(1)   For a sociological view on churrascos, see Maciel, M. (2008). Churrasco à Gaúcha. In   Montebello, N. and Collaço, J. (Eds). Gastronomia: cortes & recortes volume II (pp. 97-118). Editora Senac, Brasilia.

(2)    The term ‘main meat’ is my creation. Although the concept is well established, there is actually no word or phrase to describe it. 

(3)    For a description on the male role in roasting meats, see Perlès, C. (1996). Les strategies alimentaires dans les temps pré-historique. In Flandrin, J. and Montanari, M. Histoire de l’alimentation (pp 54-67). Paris: Fayard. 

Annex I – Pictures

Churrasqueira of an upper-middle class family

In http://decoracaodecasa.com.br/fotos-de-varandas-com-churrasqueiras/

Improvised churrasqueira of a low-income church

http://www.luteranaic.com/2013/09/lelut-e-criada-na-comunidade-luterana.html

A cozinha brasileira não existe

A cozinha brasileira não existe

Peça a um brasileiro nascido e criado no país que defina a cozinha brasileira, não com os meros exemplos de pratos consumidos em nossas casas ou restaurantes, mas em uma ordem mais técnica e formal, talvez acadêmica, para chegar à conclusão proposta no titulo deste artigo, de que a cozinha brasileira não existe.

E o arroz com feijão que comemos nos restaurantes a quilo, em botecos de esquina ou na casa da avó? Um ingrediente ou um prato não deveria ser a definição de uma cozinha. Ao considerar-se que a cozinha é um intrínseco conjunto de relações sociais, mais do que o simples ato de se nutrir de um alimento, nossas memórias gustativas e nosso imaginário sobrepõem-se aos ingredientes e as receitas que consumimos desde tenra infância.

Portanto, a definição do que é a cozinha brasileira seria dada da maneira mais diversa pelo brasileiro nordestino, nortista ou sulista, insistindo na idéia segundo a qual não existe uma cozinha que nos unifique. Não há na nossa gastronomia um paralelo ao esporte, como o futebol, que é marca registrada e paixão dos brasileiros.  Os regionalismos do Brasil são tão fortemente arraigados à cultura gastronômica, que, ao cruzar o país de norte a sul, tem-se a impressão, pelo menos na hora do almoço, de se estar em um país completamente diferente. Longe de ser um problema, tal diferença nos enriquece, nos fortalece.

Tomemos um exemplo de um viajante imaginário, o Sr. Santos, paulista, que desembarca em Belém, e que nas suas primeiras andanças pelo mercado Ver-o-Peso decide experimentar uma sopa, servida na rua. Estranheza 1: em São Paulo não se toma sopa na rua. Estranheza 2: cadê a colher? Só tem um palito de dente espetado nos camarões secos boiando em um liquido amarelo. Estranheza 3: ela é servida em uma cuia de cabaça, com desenhos tribais. Estranheza 4: o que é essa substância viscosa e transparente com o que a ambulante finaliza o preparo?

O Sr. Santos ainda nem experimentou a sopa e já se deparou com 4 diferenças culturais brutais. O que ele vai achar do sabor acido do tucupi, da consistência viscosa da goma ou do sabor elétrico do jambu vai depender unicamente de suas experiências sensoriais individuais, seus gostos e desgostos.

E provável que o Sr. Santos não sofra de neofobia, a aversão a novidades, caso contrário teria passado batido pela vendedora. E provável que ele não saiba o que fazer com as cabeças dos camarões, ou que estranhe a sensação de lamber uma pilha de 9 volts ao morder as florzinhas amarelas que flutuam junto aos camarões. Mas o fato é que a experiência cultural que ele vivenciou ao experimentar uma cuia de tacacá no calor de 35 graus reflete que não existe uma gastronomia brasileira única, senão um conjunto de cozinhas regionais espalhadas pelos quatro cantos do Brasil.

Em 2010, a França conseguiu que sua cozinha fosse inscrita na UNESCO como patrimônio cultural imaterial da humanidade, assim como a roda de capoeira ou o frevo do carnaval de Recife. Minto, não a cozinha francesa, que, assim como a brasileira, não existe, mas senão a ‘refeição gastronômica dos franceses’. Não se tratam de receitas como o cassoulet ou o coq au vin, mas sim o bem-estar em volta da mesa, o bem-comer, o bem-beber. Cozinhar e comer conjuntamente, entre amigos ou família, incentivar o consumo de alimentos do terroir, respeitar as tradições culinárias e, sobretudo, experimentar a riqueza e a variedade da cozinha são exemplos do que definem a refeição dos franceses.

Esses conceitos foram baseados no fato que os franceses de Paris, Lyon ou Toulouse não compartilham uma cozinha única, mas possuem uma cultura alimentar rica e definida.  95,2 por cento dos franceses admitem que a gastronomia faz parte de sua identidade cultural. Essa identidade foi desenvolvida ao longo dos séculos, com o trabalho dos produtores, que protegem seus produtos regionais, dos cozinheiros, que tem status de artistas no país, e finalmente do povo, que se orgulha de sua comida.

O Brasil, que engatinha em todos os aspectos citados acima, pode aprender uma valiosa lição com os franceses. Nossa gastronomia é riquíssima, nossa cozinha e saudável e saborosa, e arrisco a afirmar que nenhum outro país possui a variedade de insumos da que dispomos em nossa terra, muitos dos quais endêmicos. No entanto, sem uma política de incentivo ao pequeno produtor, sem diretrizes que salvaguardem nossas riquezas alimentares, nossa gastronomia, que é uma preciosa herança cultural, será relegada ao esquecimento dos livros de receita.

Nesse sentido, a visionária iniciativa do projeto ‘Eu como cultura’, que pretende aprovar um projeto de lei para que a gastronomia brasileira seja oficialmente reconhecida como manifestação cultural, deu um passo de gigante. É importante que nós brasileiros, portanto, valorizemos nossa comida, sob todas as suas expressões locais e regionais, como um bem cultural intangível e como parte inerente de nossa cultura e nosso orgulho.

Paulo Seidl é brasileiro, cozinheiro e pesquisador

em história e cultura da alimentação

na Universidade de Tours, França